Course of Action

I’ve never been one to jump onto the victimization bandwagon or erect villains that gun rights folks can portray themselves as fighting against. I tend to think think this kind of activity can remove the focus from real action, and instead get people’s energies and attention fixated on the villains. ATF is one of our favorite villains, and much of the time they do things to deserve people’s derision and scorn. But ATF, while unique in some respects, doesn’t really act much differently than other federal regulatory bureaucracies, as anyone who’s ever worked in a regulated industry can attest to. As long as we have federal gun laws, there will be an agency charged with regulation and enforcement under the authority of those laws. That put us back to square one, no matter which three letter acronym the agency carries. That’s largely why in the case of the Austin Gun Show controversy, I’m a lot more interested talking about courses of action rather than railing against ATF for the sake of vilifying the agency. Action has to be related to goals, and the goal in this case is to preserve the integrity of the show, and prevent the City of Austin and ATF from attempting to meddle with any more shows. In the last post we saw that raising a preemption claim against the Austin Police Department was likely going to be problematic, because the landlord of the property is really the ones doing the coercion. But that doesn’t mean you can’t get the attention of these regulators. I would propose the following courses of action:

  • File state and federal FOIA requests in regards to any and all communication that happened between the involved agencies and the landlord (actually, this was Dave Hardy’s idea, and a good one I think.) Depending on what you find, you might have a preemption claim. But even if you don’t, you’ll have a clearer picture of what went on.
  • Almost all police departments receive funding from their states, and Texas has a very gun friendly legislature. Speak to the key committee chairs that control funding to local police departments. Agencies pay close attention when their funding sources get threatened, or there’s even a hint of a possible threat. Remember how I said how the request by APD nuisance unit to the landlord could have a threatening nature just by the very nature of who’s asking? Well, two can play at that game, and we should.
  • If you can get an impressive number of gun owners together in Austin to go to a City Council meeting, and make your displeasure known, that could also have an effect. But you’d have to make an impressive showing. Three guys showing up isn’t going to be intimidating to the politicians. Filling the room is going to make them concerned.
  • ATF is also not immune from funding pressures. Bit of a tougher fight there because Daniel Inouye is chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, but Hutchison is also on that committee and is running for governor, she’ll want to stay on the radar of the gun vote. Things in the are better, because Dave Obey heads the House Appropriations Committee, an A- rated Democrat. In addition, you have five Texans on that committee, the lowest of whom is a B rated Democrat, and the rest A rated. Make sure those individuals know you’re unhappy about ATF involvement in pressuring landlords who host gun shows.

I guess what I’m trying to suggest is: don’t get mad, get even. The way you get even with bureaucrats is to get the people who essentially pay them mad. There are other avenues other than ones I mentioned here. I offer these a way to think about how politics works, and how a motivated and pissed off group of gun owners can effectively direct their energies.

Austin Gun Show Controversy

A reader sent me a link to a dust up between a gun show promoter, the Austin, TX police, and ATF. I was hoping today to getting around to looking at this story more closely, but in a fantastic bit of citizen journalism, Howard Nemerov already has the scoop on this issue. His conclusion:

There are no clear-cut villains and victims here. In the final analysis, you the reader need to decide the best course of action. Facts, not rhetoric, help make educated decisions.

Having this kind of thing happen to a gun show is not all that unusual. We lost a big one here in Pennsylvania because the Fort Washington Expo Center’s new management decided they no longer wanted to host gun shows on their property. Not much you can do in that situation except find a new venue. I would point out that the Fort Washington Expo Center is now defunct, however, so maybe kicking the gun show to the curb was not their only poor business decision.

But I still want to write about what I think would be a novel legal issue in regards to gun shows, particularly if nuisance ordinances are used against them. Texas, like most other states, preempts local governments from enforcing anti-gun ordinances:

No governmental subdivision or agency may enact or enforce a law that makes any conduct covered by this code an offense subject to a criminal penalty. This section shall apply only as long as the law governing the conduct proscribed by this code is legally enforceable.

Texas preemption statute is very strong, and I suspect whatever Austin might want to construe its nuisance ordinances to mean, it can’t construe them as meaning they can use them to force out a gun show. But does it prevent them from asking the landlord to put restrictions on the show? One could argue if there’s no legal threat, it’s not enforcement, and so preemption does not apply. But one could also argue that any lawful authority, such as a nuisance unit of a police department, that even talking to a landlord, who might have good reasons to want to stay on good terms with a police agency of that nature, amounts to a form of coercion. This would, of course, be a long shot argument, but such arguments have been made successfully in other contexts.

It’s interesting what could happen if other cities suddenly started taking generally applicable laws, and even hinting to property owners that they could be applied if they don’t kick out gun shows. Preemption laws, in spirit, are supposed to deal with that problem, but that gets more dicey laws get applied sneakily or stealthily, in a way that makes it hard for us to prove a preemption violation. For this, we will need show promoters to fight, and work with relevant organizations, like NRA, NSSF, etc, to uncover exactly what local authorities are up to if they suspect pressure is being applied to get gun shows out of their jurisdictions. Preemption is merely a tool, it’s not an absolute protection against all malfeasance on the part of local governments. Making is work is up to us.

More on the New Jersey Lawsuit

I’m finally having some time to go over ANJRPC‘s Federal Complaint in detail. The important thing is that this was filed in Federal Court. New Jersey’s court system is notoriously stacked against gun owners. The courts in the Garden State are highly political, sometimes corrupt, and will often ignore plain law. It is fair to say the independence of New Jersey’s courts leaves much to be desired. The Federal Courts are a much better venue to raise questions like this than in New Jersey courts.

We get into federal court through what’s called Federal-question jurisdiction, namely the claim that federal law preempts states for prohibiting the sale of air guns, and that New Jersey is violating said federal law with their rationing scheme. That is the real meat of the case. But because we are raising claims under a federal question, we can also raise claims under Supplemental Jurisdiction, and this lawsuit does that as well. The first concurrent claim related to the original count is raised under the due process clause of the 14th Amendment, claiming (legal format altered for space and readability):

Members of Plaintiff Association wish to qualify for one or more of the Exemptions. On or about January 13, 2010, Plaintiff Bach applied for three Handgun Purchase Permits. Plaintiff Bach wishes to apply for the Collector Exemption so he can purchase more than one handgun within a 30 day period, which purchase would satisfy the statutory criteria for the Collector Exemption.

On or about January 14, 2010, Plaintiff Bach inquired of the State Police as to what procedure is available to apply for the Exemptions. The State Police told him that there was none at this time. Upon information and belief, at this time there is no procedure in place by which an applicant can apply for and the Superintendent can grant any of the Exemptions.

Accordingly, certain Plaintiffs and/or Members of Plaintiffs who would qualify for one or more Exemptions, and who would therefore be entitled by law to purchase more than one handgun in a 30 day period are being unlawfully constrained by the One Gun Law, are unable to purchase more than one handgun in a 30 day period, and are unlawfully subject to prosecution if they do so.

Therefore, Plaintiffs are being deprived of their liberty and/or property without due process of law in violation of Amendment XIV of the United States Constitution. Plaintiffs are therefore entitled to preliminary and permanent injunctive relief, including, but not limited to, relief enjoining the enforcement of the One Gun Law.

So the law provides for an exception, and the State Police claim to have no procedure for dealing with the new law. This is typical of how New Jersey operates, and New Jersey gun owners should be greatly pleased, for once, they will have to answer for it in court. The next claim is similar, also under the 14th Amendment:

N.J.A.C. 13:54-1.4(h) provides as follows:

Applicants for a permit to purchase a handgun may apply for more than one permit per application. The number of permits requested, and each permit number shall be entered in the spaces provided on the application.

On or about January 7, 2010, Plaintiff Johnson applied for two Handgun Purchase Permits at the Washington Township (Morris County) Police Department. Notwithstanding the One Gun Law, Plaintiff Johnson can save time, effort, and expense by applying for multiple Handgun Purchase Permits simultaneously and lawfully using only one Handgun Purchase Permit with any given 30 day period. On or about January 8, 2010, the Chief of Police of Washington Township notified Plaintiff Johnson by letter that as of January 1, 2010 the New Jersey State Police are only permitting one application for a Handgun Purchase Permit per month and returned the fee for his second Handgun Purchase Permit. By denying Plaintiff Johnson’s right to apply for two Handgun Purchase Permits simultaneously, Defendant Washington violated N.J.A.C. 13:54-1.4(h), which explicitly authorizes such application.

The law actually allows individuals to still apply for more than one permit to purchase at a time. The claim is that police departments are violating the law by refusing to accept applications at a rate of more than one per month. Presumably then it would be up to the purchaser and dealer to ration the gun purchases, however this complaint asks for injunctive relief against the entire law, the two concurrent claims just help make the case stronger, and will possibly put police departments under court order not to enforce any aspects of the one gun a month law.

Police departments in New Jersey having to follow the law when it comes to gun permits? What a novel concept! This suit does not raise any Second Amendment claims, which is prudent given that we do not yet have a ruling in McDonald as of yet as to how the Fourteenth Amendment applies Second Amendment rights to the states.

New Jersey Lawsuit Hitting the Media

Looks like the first of the New Jersey gun rationing lawsuit is hitting the main stream media:

New Jersey gun owners took a parting shot at the waning administration of Gov. Jon Corzine today, filing a federal lawsuit challenging his one-handgun-a-month law, claiming it is unconstitutional and that some towns already make it impossible to obtain one pistol in six months.

The article has it kind of right, though it really glosses over the fundamental issues, which I will cover later. Either way, it has Bryan Miller’s panties in a bunch:

“Typical gun-extremist nonsense,” said Bryan Miller, executive director of Ceasefire NJ, a gun-control organization. “This is typical of the gun lobby — never satisfied, always seeking to have everybody armed. … I think the court will probably throw this frivolous suit out.”

Pretty clearly Bryan didn’t read the Complaint, unless he wants to explain why this lawsuit is “frivolous.” But hey, getting Bryan upset makes this all worth it to me. I will say, it’s nice scooping the MSM on a story.

LTC Reciprocity With Maryland?

VCDL is reporting on a bill that’s being introduced in Maryland, much along the same lines as Delaware, which while still technically being a may-issue state, was able to, nonetheless, pass a reciprocity bill. This Maryland bill will recognize licenses issued by surrounding states, including Pennsylvania, but oddly not including West Virginia. I don’t know why they left out West Virginia. Maybe the sponsor has it in for them. Either way, I don’t think this bill stands much of a chance, but it’s worth supporting anyway, just to let the politicians know we still care. I just wouldn’t have unrealistic expectations about its chances. It is scheduled for a committee hearing, so if you live in Maryland, that’s one thing to consider showing up for. It’s scheduled for next Tuesday at 1:00PM.

And before anyone says I’m just being a Negative Nancy with my assessment of the Bill’s chances, I’d encourage folks to look at the makeup of the Maryland House Judiciary committee. You have a B- chair, which might be how we got a hearing at all. You have seven pro-gun (NRA B and higher) votes on that committee, plus the chairman, out of 22 members of the committee. It’s a very polarized committee, where everyone is either and A or B or  D or F, which probably reflects the state as a whole on the gun issue. There are a lot of question mark candidates, but in a state like Maryland, those should be counted as likely Fs. There is one C grade on the committee, but even if you swing that one, it’s still not enough votes to get it to the floor. And even if you get it to the floor, it’s going to die there.

It is still worth contacting legislators, and showing up. It takes a long time to bring a movement to eventual success, but we should approach the fight with realistic expectations. Otherwise you risk disillusioning your followers. The real benefit going forward is to get all these question marks on record, so next election they carry grades that reflect their actual attitude toward our rights.

ANJRPC Challenges NJ Gun Rationing in Federal Court

I have to admit, I give the Association of New Jersey Rifle and Pistol Clubs, Scott Bach, and Evan Nappen, a lot of credit for thinking this one up. Their Counsel, Daniel Schmutter, deserves credit as well for putting together such a solid case. It’s a novel legal argument, based on an obscure aspect of federal law, and it’s so deliciously clever it’s hard to believe it will work, but I think it has a good chance. This challenge to the one-gun-a-month law hinges on the definition of “firearm” in New Jersey Law. You can see the ANJRPC press release here on their web site:

The lawsuit is based on a federal statute that pre-empts state and local laws regulating the sale of certain firearms. The new law runs directly afoul of that statute because of the way New Jersey’s ultra-strict laws sweepingly define firearms. The suit also asserts claims based on the failure of the State Police to implement procedures under the new law, as well as the unlawful rationing of handgun permits by individual municipalities.

They also have a link to the Federal Complaint which you can find here. The legal basis for this federal complaint is 15 U.S.C. §5001(g)(ii), which provides for federal preemption of laws regulating air guns, if you can believe that. Quoting:

(g) Preemption of State or local laws or ordinances; exceptions

The provisions of this section shall supersede any provision of State or local laws or ordinances which provide for markings or identification inconsistent with provisions of this section provided that no State shall– . . .

(ii) prohibit the sale (other than prohibition the sale to minors) of traditional B-B, paint ball, or pellet firing air guns that expel a projectile through the force of air pressure.

The reason this matter is because New Jersey’s definition of a firearm includes air guns as well. From N.J.S 2C:39-1 (f), where the term firearm is defined:

It shall also include, without limitation, any firearm which is in the nature of an air gun, spring gun or pistol or other weapon of a similar nature in which the propelling force is a spring, elastic band, carbon dioxide, compressed or other gas or vapor, air or compressed air, or is ignited by compressed air, and ejecting a bullet or missile smaller than three-eighths of an inch in diameter, with sufficient force to injure a person.

Essentially the argument is, if someone buys an air gun, they are by statute then prohibited from purchasing another during that thirty day period, so it amounts, in practice to a prohibition of the sale of air guns. Now, the important thing here is the lawsuit is over one-gun-a-month. It is not over the definition of firearm under New Jersey law. Therefore we escape the problem of severability, where a judge could rule the air gun language in the definition is superseded by federal law, and thus moot, severing it from the definition, and leaving the rest stand. Because of the subject matter of the lawsuit, the judge may not consider the definition, and will be forced to consider only whether the one-gun-a-month law violates the federal preemption, which is pretty clearly does.

This would mean the legislature would have no choice but to try to pass one-gun-a-month again, though with an exception for air guns this time to get around federal law. Given that Dick Cody is out as President of the Senate, and Stephen Sweeney, who is friendly on the issue, is in, it doesn’t look good for re-passage. Even if it does, Corzine is out, and Chris Christie, who was not supportive of the rationing law, will now occupy the Governor’s mansion. So it doesn’t look good for the other side if this lawsuit prevails.

There are implications for Pennsylvania too, if this case wins, since Pennsylvania is also n the Third Circuit. Philadelphia currently bans sale and possession of air guns in violation of the same federal statute, so getting some favorable precedent in the Third Circuit on this issue will also help air gun shooters in Philadelphia, should anyone subsequently bring suit against the ordinance.

All in all, I think this is a brilliant lawsuit, and ANJRPC, and all those involved with bringing it, deserve a lot of credit for coming up with a novel legal argument against gun rationing that has a serious chance of winning. Ironically, it was New Jersey’s inclusion of air guns in with firearms that may be this law’s undoing. Let’s hope for a favorable outcome in this case.

Best Reason of All to Vote Brown

Scott Brown’s opponent in the Massachusetts Senate race gets a Brady Campaign endorsement:

“This race is a clear choice between a tough, law-and-order leader who wants to fight gun violence in Massachusetts and a state legislator who has, either wittingly or unwittingly, become a poster child for the ‘guns everywhere’ gun lobby,” said Helmke.  “The people of Massachusetts should be clear what’s going on here: The gun groups are coming into Massachusetts to help Scott Brown because they know Martha Coakley will stand up to their reckless agenda. They also know that if he’s in their debt, Scott Brown will do their bidding.”

“The gun lobby already owns too many legislators in Washington D.C.,” Helmke said.

The fact that the other side even needs to fight for this seat at all is a victory in and of itself. Let’s work hard to make sure Paul has to lament yet another legislator we “own”.

What Publishing Permit Information Gets You

I’ve said before that no gun owner ever complained about permits being public record until newspapers decided to be bozos and publish lists of permit holders. If the Brady Campaign and MAIG were smart, they’d be the first on the phone to these papers telling them to knock it off. I would have no problem with papers iterating through the permits finding and reporting on people who legitimately should not have them. But that’s not what they do. That’s what we would call real reporting, and no newspaper has the money to do that these days.

But why should the Bradys be against publishing? Because that will create a backlash that will cause the law to change.

Thursday, a House committee voted 11-0 to keep information about gun permits from being released to the public — information The Indianapolis Star has used to document how guns have fallen into violent hands.

The NRA lobbyist for Indiana is Ashley Varner, mentioned in the article, who used to handle NRA’s media relations with bloggers when she was working in ILA’s Public Affairs office. A lot of us bloggers know her, so I think I can speak for us all when I say “Go get em Ashley!”

Well, At Least Now They Admit It

The Star Press is admitting that they are treating gun owners in Indiana like child molesters by publishing their permit information for people to search. The problem is they think this is how it should be, because those sex perverts could have gun permits, you know. Can you think of any offense that involves fondling children that doesn’t make one a prohibited person? I can’t.

Corzine Signs Bill Weakening His One-Gun-A-Month Election Scheme

When John Corzine thought that pushing gun control was the key to his re-election bid, there was nothing more important that the legislature could possibly do. Without fanfare, he signed the measure that makes the law slightly less of an abuse on the law abiding gun owners of New Jersey. I guess the theatrics don’t matter to him anymore now that he’s politically irrelevant.