Something to Think About

On the idea that you can promote social change through shocking behavior, the analogy to homosexuality is probably a bit overwrought, so I’ll put it in a different context. If there was a proposal to close down a sex shop in some given town, and a local S&M club took exception to this, and showed up at the meeting in full blown leather, with the women on a leash and with whips in their hand, while one of their spokesman got up to speak against the ordinance to close the sex shop, would you consider that to be just as effective than if they had all shown up in business suits? Would it change anything if you pointed out they go around in full leather all the time, and it’s their right?

I agree it’s their right, and they can’t, and shouldn’t be arrested for it. But people will spend more time listening and considering to what they have to say if they are dressed in business suits. The media isn’t going to be distracted by the spectacle, and you’re message isn’t going to get muddled and confused. It also definitely wouldn’t help if the town council decided maybe they’ll let the sex shop stay open, but we might want to look into that leather shop down the street too.

People have similar attitudes toward S&M as they do toward guns. Some people are unabashedly in favor of it, or practice it. Some people think it’s weird, but accept it. Others aren’t sure what they think, and might vague support sexual freedom, but aren’t sure about S&M, and still others are just downright offended or put off by it. You don’t want to piss off the middle two groups, and don’t want to give ammunition to the latter group to use to make arguments against sexual freedom.

The sexual freedom argument is probably going to keep the sex shop open, but S&M turns some people off if they think that’s what sexual freedom is going to mean. If you want to make an argument for social change through shock therapy, you can do so, it just seems like a weak case to me.

Quote of the Day

Glenn Reynolds talks about protest:

One step going beyond mere protests and mockery, but well short of violence, is something like the U.K. fuel protests. Or what would happen if a lot of people showed up at banks and started withdrawing a lot of cash all at once?

[…]

I don’t have any answers, and we’re pretty clearly not at that point yet. At any rate, I’d encourage those interested in this to read Pauline Maier’s book. We’re not in colonial times any more, but while the specifics might change the principles are evergreen.

I think too many are tempted that it’s 1775, and we’re about to have some kind of violent resistance against the King’s tyranny. Too many are too quick to turn to or preach violence. Much like personal confrontations with people, that’s a last resort — only when nothing lesser will do. I agree that we’re not there yet, not even close.

It is Time for Me to Set Higher Goals

I work at a small biotech company, and though we haven’t produced anything yet of note, have had some minor successes, and minor failures, and I’m just an IT guy whose supports researchers,  I now believe this qualifies me for the Nobel Prize in Medicine. I hope the committee will be contacting me shortly.

Lame Commentary on the Stevens Case

A TV host and columnist, Bonnie Erbe, is upset that the Supreme Court seems willing to come down on the side of the First Amendment in the Stevens case, which had oral arguments earlier this week. She’s upset, because she obviously did not listen to the oral arguments, nor did she bother researching the case before mouthing off about it.

The biggest fear Justice Antonin Scalia registered was that the law could be used to ban hunting videos. When one reads the language of the statute, it seems to say that hunting (or making or selling videos of same) is not the kind of activity it was enacted to ban. Is hunting illegal under federal or state law? Of course not! State law regulates and licenses hunting, but does not make it illegal.

Except hunting certain kinds of animals is illegal in some states and not in others. For instance, Michigan and a few other states ban hunting of morning doves, but which are popular game birds in the South. By plain reading of the statute, it would be illegal to make a hunting video depicting morning dove hunting in Texas, and sell it to someone in Michigan, where dove hunting is illegal. The video doesn’t have to be cruel, it just has to depict someone killing an animal. It would be unlawful to put a dove hunting web site up, because someone in Michigan might read it. If Ms. Erbe had done research, she would have realized this, but it gets better:

My concern regarding Justice Breyer’s question extends beyond the plain language of the law. When he asks whether Congress can just go ahead and pass another law, he underestimates the enormity of such a task. It can take decades to re-enact a law the Supreme Court strikes down willy-nilly.

I’m sorry that Ms. Erbe is upset that we live in a Constitutional Republic that has limits on the power of government, and makes it difficult for Congress to pass laws that touch on important constitutional rights. I really am. Utterly distraught.

When I think of free speech I think of political protest or whistle-blowing or espousing unpopular positions. I don’t think of a constitutional right to make and sell violent, bloody videos of animals maiming and killing each other in a way that is designed to appeal to the lowest human instincts.

So you’re OK with banning nude art then? Certain types of dancing that people find appeal to the lowest human instincts? Depictions of violence in movies and video games? I’m sorry we have a First Amendment that protects these things, but we do. If Ms. Erbe is so upset by this concept of broad protections on freedom of speech and expression, perhaps she should consider relocating to a country where such rights are not taken seriously, like China, Russia, or Canada.

Should Commerce Clause Be Top Priority?

Even though I have a great deal of concern over the commerce clause being so vastly expanded under the Supreme Court’s current case law, I wonder if we’re not being strategically short sighted in focusing on it. Rather, I’m wondering whether we ought to be focusing on the non-delegation doctrine, since if you look at how the courts are interpreting it today, it’s really a big chunk of what’s enabling the out-of-control and unaccountable regulatory state; what’s often called the Fourth Branch of Government.

The problem with revoking the New Deal commerce clause ruling is so much popular legislation is dependent on it, and the Supreme Court is typically reluctant to become overly politicized, lest they bring about a confrontation with the political branches. It’s not a minor concern for the Court, as happened before when the Court invalidated the National Industrial Recovery Act (which incidentally was a non-delegation case).  But the Court eventually capitulated to the New Deal.

By contrast, strengthening the non-delegation doctrine wouldn’t have as much effect on popular legislation. What got me thinking about it was the new FTC blogger regulations. If you look at the enabling legislation that creates the FTC, it’s appalling it’s even constitutional:

The Commission is hereby empowered and directed to prevent persons, partnerships, or corporations, …. from using unfair methods of competition in or affecting commerce and unfair or deceptive acts or practices in or affecting commerce.

So FTC gets to decide, all on its own, without Congress having to pass a single law, that your activity is “unfair competition” or a “deceptive act” and you are given no recourse except through the federal courts. The FTC is, essentially, a lawmaking body. Sadly, the Supreme Court has already ruled that similar bodies are constitutional, as it did in the 1989 case of Mistretta v. United States, where the Court upheld the Federal Sentencing Commission. That case was decided 8-1, with Justice Scalia being the lone dissenter. Scalia says in his dissent:

By reason of today’s decision, I anticipate that Congress will find delegation of its lawmaking powers much more attractive in the future. If rulemaking can be entirely unrelated to the exercise of judicial or executive powers, I foresee all manner of “expert” bodies, insulated from the political process, to which Congress will delegate various portions of its lawmaking responsibility. How tempting to create an expert Medical Commission (mostly M.D.’s, with perhaps a few Ph.D.’s in moral philosophy) to dispose of such thorny, “now-in” political issues as the withholding of life-support systems in federally funded hospitals, or the use of fetal tissue for research. This is an undemocratic precedent that we set — not because of the scope of the delegated power, but because its recipient is not one of the three Branches of Government. The only governmental power the Commission possesses is the power to make law; and it is not the Congress.

Back then, Scalia was really the only principled judicial conservative on the court. Now we have three others. Perhaps it is time for libertarians and conservatives to put aside the Commerce Clause battle for now, and focus on strengthening the non-delegation doctrine. It would have less of a public impact, but would have a significant impact in reigning in a lot of the regulatory excesses that have come about since the New Deal. At the least, it would keep Congress busy for a while, having to create more detailed statutory authority to guide agencies and commissions.

The issue also messages better than Commerce Clause.  Take this meme, for instance:

“If Congress wants to make something illegal, they should have to pass a law.”

I think you’d find most people in agreement with that. It’s simple, and easy to understand. Compare that to presenting the Commerce Clause to people:

“Should the Endangered Species Act really be considered a legitimate exercise of Congress’ commerce powers?”

I think this issue ought to get more attention that it does from libertarians and conservatives. It might be more achievable. A lot of people would not be comfortable with the FDA or USDA disappearing, but would anyone really miss the FTC?

New FTC Rules Will Have Serious Impact on Blogs

Reviewed the Federal Trade Commission’s new rules regulating blog content, and unfortunately, they look to be far worse than I originally imagined. Jeff Jarvis points out some of the problems with the new rules here, but let me go into how they will affect gun bloggers specifically, since more than a few of us have gotten free stuff from companies, and not always because we were bloggers, or because we were given something with an expectation we’d write about it.  But it turns out that largely doesn’t matter.

As Sigivald initially thought, most of the reports indicate that only bloggers who are paid by companies or marketing agents are at risk of prosecution by the FTC. However, the FTC is clear that payment need not be in the form of cash, and even merely providing a review copy of a product itself may be considered compensation. But, just to keep things interesting, review copies may not always be compensation. The bureaucrats admit to being intentionally vague because they may or may not consider the value of the product as evidence against bloggers in the decision to prosecute.

For example, a blogger could receive merchandise from a marketer with a request to review it, but with no compensation paid other than the value of the product itself. In this situation, whether or not any positive statement the blogger posts would be deemed an “endorsement” within the meaning of the Guides would depend on, among other things, the value of that product, and on whether the blogger routinely receives such requests.

Confused yet? Well, that depends on how often you get offers to review. There’s no minimum standard for which you must begin reporting such “compensation.” And the mere presence of “offers” may possibly be enough to trigger an investigation even if you turn most review offers down. If that’s not bad enough, there’s liability on the part of companies who choose to work with blogs as well.

Marketers or sponsors would be obliged to monitor all the content of the blogs they have ever worked with. If a blogger gets a key fact or claim about the product wrong, marketer or sponsor would be liable.

The Commission recognizes that because the advertiser does not disseminate the endorsements made using these new consumer-generated media, it does not have complete control over the contents of those statements. Nonetheless, if the advertiser initiated the process that led to these endorsements being made – e.g., by providing products to well-known bloggers or to endorsers enrolled in word of mouth marketing programs – it potentially is liable for misleading statements made by those consumers.

Imposing liability in these circumstances hinges on the determination that the advertiser chose to sponsor the consumer-generated content such that it has established an endorser-sponsor relationship. It is foreseeable that an endorser may exaggerate the benefits of a free product or fail to disclose a material relationship where one exists. In employing this means of marketing, the advertiser has assumed the risk that an endorser may fail to disclose a material connection or misrepresent a product, and the potential liability that accompanies that risk. The Commission, however, in the exercise of its prosecutorial discretion, would consider the advertiser’s efforts to advise these endorsers of their responsibilities and to monitor their online behavior in determining what action, if any, would be warranted.

Bloggers and sponsors could all be facing potential fines of up to 11,000 for a failure to disclose. The practical impact is that a wise lawyer would advise companies to avoid pitching anything to bloggers unless a blogger can bring a profit greater than $11,000 to the company. Very few of us are capable of doing that.

And the liability does not just exist for mistakes in product claims, but also for disclosure itself. If S&W wants to give Caleb another hat after December 1, and he posts about it or any S&W product again in a way that may be interpreted in perceived as positive, they are liable if he forgets to add a note that they are compensating him in some way. It doesn’t matter if they didn’t even email him about that specific product, it’s a potential violation. It’s worth noting that traditional media won’t have to live up to the same standards as blogs:

The Commission acknowledges that bloggers may be subject to different disclosure requirements than reviewers in traditional media. In general, under usual circumstances, the Commission does not consider reviews published in traditional media (i.e., where a newspaper, magazine, or television or radio station with independent editorial responsibility assigns an employee to review various products or services as part of his or her official duties, and then publishes those reviews) to be sponsored advertising messages. Accordingly, such reviews are not “endorsements” within the meaning of the Guides. Under these circumstances, the Commission believes, knowing whether the media entity that published the review paid for the item in question would not affect the weight consumers give to the reviewer’s statements. Of course, this view could be different if the reviewer were receiving a benefit directly from the manufacturer (or its agent). In contrast, if a blogger’s statement on his personal blog or elsewhere (e.g., the site of an online retailer of electronic products) qualifies as an “endorsement” – i.e., as a sponsored message – due to the blogger’s relationship with the advertiser or the value of the merchandise he has received and has been asked to review by that advertiser, knowing these facts might affect the weight consumers give to his review.

The free speech implications of this are serious. but I think there’s even some free press implications. Why should bloggers not enjoy the same rights the regular media does? Does it matter that my press is Apache and PHP, rather than some huge, expensive offset printer? I don’t think so.

Because the rules are not clear, a blogger or marketer can have no idea whether his writing about a particular product will trigger an investigation, or worse, bring about civil penalties. The safe move will be for bloggers to not mention products or companies in a positive light, and for advertisers to stay away from blogs altogether. This will have a chilling effect on speech and free expression, so it’s difficult for me to believe that the FTC’s new guidelines are not a violation of the First Amendment. Hopefully the courts will agree.

Democratic Nominee Onorato Runs Left

Describing rumors of his pro-gun positions as “mischaracterizations,” when Allegheny County Executive Dan Onorato declared his candidacy for Governor in Philly this morning, he called for non-specific “common sense” gun control.

I asked a reporter on the scene what exactly a “common sense” gun law was, but he didn’t have any specifics other than a vague reference by Onorato to child locks. However, he did say he would get back to Onorato on it.

It seems rather odd that Onorato is seemingly running left on gun issues, when he said later that these issues won’t really matter in the 2010 election, it will be more about the economy. If he does, it will be at his own political peril. Of course, he might already know that given this tweet from John Micek:

Onorato event in HBG is in front of Colonial-Era Graveyard. Put out an APB to Metaphor Police.

UPDATE: He also specifically mentioned lost-and-stolen, a law that would turn the legal system upside down for gun owners. We would have to prove our innocence rather than law enforcement proving that we did anything wrong.