US v. Rock Island Armory: Not a Loophole in the NFA

In the previous thread about someone trying to foolishly mount a challenge to NFA and all the other federal gun laws, the topic of US v. Rock Island came up. I went searching through my archives, convinced I had done a post about this, but it turns out I hadn’t, and that it was just a long running argument in the comment section. So I figured it was worth a full post just to get better information out there about the impact of this case. There’s a lot of folks on the Internet touting Rock Island as a case which invalidates the National Firearms Act, and creates some not-widely-known loophole that makes machine guns legal, either broadly, or in the District it was decided in.

But if something sounds too good to be true, it probably is. United States law regulating machine guns rests on two prongs. The first prong is the National Firearms Act, passed in 1934 as an exercise of Congress’ power to tax. The second is the Gun Control Act of 1968, as amended by the Firearms Owners Protection Act of 1986, which contained the infamous Hughes Amendment. The Gun Control Act is based on Congress’ powers under the commerce clause.

In 1934, when the National Firearms Act was passed, it was believed that outright gun bans would be constitutionally problematic, both from the point of view of the Second Amendment, but also from the point of view of valid exercises of Congress’ powers to regulate interstate commerce. The proponents of the National Firearms Act decided to rely on the Congress’ power to tax, which was used, and upheld, to regulate narcotics under the Harrison Act, and it was relatively less risky than relying on the commerce power. The $200 tax on manufacture and transfer, in 1934 dollars, effectively doubled the price of existing machine guns, and was considered an effective means of discouraging their possession by mere peons like us.

By the time 1968 rolled around, the federal government’s ability to regulate using its interstate commerce power had been greatly expanded. The Gun Control Act of 1968 was purely a criminal provision, and not in any way connected to the taxing power. Additionally, the 1986 inclusion of the Hughes Amendment, codified under 18 USC 922(o), created a special problem for prosecution under the NFA provisions for machine guns manufactured after May 19, 1986.

In Rock Island, the US Attorney simply made the mistake of prosecuting under the wrong section of the United States Code, when they charged someone under the NFA for failing to pay a tax it refused to collect. From the case:

The superseding indictment alleges that Defendants committed acts in respect to the making and registration of “firearms,” i.e., machineguns,[1] in the years 1987 and 1988 which violated parts of the National Firearms Act, Chapter 53 of the Internal Revenue Code, 26 U.S.C. §§ 5801 et seq. Specifically, Count I alleges in part that Defendants conspired “(a) to manufacture firearms in violation of Title 26, United States Code, Sections 5822[2] and 5861(F) [AND] (B)[3] to knowingly deliver into interstate commerce firearms in violation of Title 26, United States Code, Sections 5822 and 5861(j)….”[4] Count 2 alleges that in 1988, Defendants made machineguns “in violation of the registration provisions of Title 26, United States Code, Section 5822,” which is alleged to have violated 26 U.S.C. § 5861(f). Count 3 alleges that Defendants delivered into interstate commerce the same machineguns as in Count 2, and that these machineguns “had not been registered as required by the provisions of Title 26, United States Code, Section 5822,” in violation of 26 U.S.C. § 5861(j).

Since its passage in 1934, the registration, taxation, and other requirements of the National Firearms Act (“NFA”) have been upheld by the courts under the power of Congress to raise revenue.[5] However, 18 U.S.C. § 922(o), which became effective on May 19, 1986, prohibits possession of machineguns, and thereby repealed or rendered unconstitutional the portions of the National Firearms Act which provided for the raising of revenue from the making, possession, and transfer of machineguns made after such date. As the government conceded at oral argument, the United States refuses to register or accept tax payments for the making or transfer of machineguns made after 1986.[6] Thus, § 922(o), as applied to machineguns made after May 19, 1986, left the registration and other requirements of the National Firearms Act without any constitutional basis.

This is where people get confused when they read Rock Island. It’s conventional wisdom among gunnies that machineguns are regulated under the National Firearms Act, and that is true. But lesser understood is the fact that they are also regulated under the Gun Control Act. The GCA is part of the US Criminal Code, unlike the NFA which belongs to the Internal Revenue Code. A lot of folks read “left the registration and other requirements of the National Firearms Act without any constitutional basis,” and assume this to mean the regulations regarding machine guns have been struck down. They have not been. If you manufacture a machine gun without a federal license to do so, you will go to jail.

What Rock Island said was, because 922(o) (Hughes Amendment) prevents the Treasury from accepting any payment of tax under the NFA, for any machine gun not legally possessed or manufactured before May 19, 1986, that the government can then not turn around and charge someone for failing to register the machine gun, and pay any tax, because the government admits that it refuses to collect that tax and accept the registration. That only means that the government may not prosecute this crime under the National Firearms Act. It is still empowered to prosecute individuals under the Gun Control Act, 18 USC 922(o). Since the United States lost the Rock Island case, that’s been standard operating procedure for US Attorneys in cases involving machine guns manufactured after May 19, 1986.

For someone possessing a machine gun legally possessed or manufactured before May 19, 1986, but not legally transferred, they may still be prosecuted under the National Firearms Act, because the government will accept the tax in that instance. In short, if I buy my friend Jason’s submachine gun from him privately, I’m guilty of violating the National Firearms Act, because the government would have accepted that tax for that transfer. If I take my AR-15 and convert it to an M16, I’m guilty of violating the Gun Control Act, Section 922(o), not the National Firearms Act, because that was obsoleted by the Hughes Amendment for guns manufactured after the magic date.

So the courts weren’t creating any loophole. They merely ruled that if the United States wishes to prosecute someone for possession or transfer a machine gun that was not lawfully registered before May 19, 1986, they had to do so under the Gun Control Act, not the National Firearms Act. I hope this makes sense. Rock Island does not create any loophole in the machine gun laws, and I thought it was worthwhile to clear this up before someone believes this Internet rumor, tests it, and ends up in federal prison.

More on the Wintenmute Study

Thirdpower has been kind enough to update his post, and provide a link to the actual study. In terms of the study being a flop, I was partially correct. I say partially, because I figured there’d be more surveying of attitudes towards gun policy, and there wasn’t. What there was, beyond what was mentioned in the press release, there wasn’t any red meat to be found. One things is for sure, Wintenmute wasn’t happy that NSSF and NRA broadly alerted on this survey, and discouraged dealers from participating:

Our results may have been affected by external factors, chief among them being efforts to deter subjects from participating. Two days after the first questionnaire was mailed, Larry Keane, general counsel of the National Shooting Sports Foundation (NSSF), posted a notice at the organization’s Web site “strongly discouraging retailers from participating in this survey.”  […]

[…] The National Rifle Association (NRA) issued a notice to retailers at its Web site on June 29, “recommend[ing] that you do not respond to the survey.”35 The organization also sent its notice as a personalized E-mail, apparently to the organization’s entire membership.

What’s good about the interference is it raises doubts about the validity of this survey, which are going to tend to smaller dealers, less connected to the community as a whole, who are difficult to reach with the message. Doubts are also raised, I believe, by the claim that the survey response rates were typical. Is this typical of business surveys?

The survey design required up to three mailings of the questionnaire, with a reminder postcard sent to all subjects between the first and second questionnaire mailings. Taking the mailing date of the first questionnaire as day 0, the postcard was sent on day 7, and subsequent questionnaires were sent to nonrespondents on day 21 and day 42. A cash incentive—three uncirculated $1 bills—was included in the first mailing. Respondents were also offered the opportunity to request a copy of publications arising from the survey.

It’s interesting to see what they are surveying. It’s actually very little in terms of what they politically support. Perhaps they realized polling gun dealers about that would largely be a fool’s errand. I think this is more geared to understand whether certain phenomena in the gun market we claim are really true. Here’s what they are pretty clearly trying to glean:

  • Do tactical rifles represent a large portion of the market? (evil Assault Weapons)
  • How large is the market for inexpensive handguns? (evil Saturday Night Specials)
  • Are sales to women actually high?
  • How important are gun shows in in the overall sales equation for FFLs?
  • Is business good?
Fortunately for us, I’m not how much red meat there is here, because this can’t be a representative sample because our interference has essentially denied them that. Nonetheless, you can expect to see this touted as irrefutable evidence that a) EBRs are not commonly owned, and that b) women aren’t buying guns in large numbers, and c) the gun industry is struggling, d) they are selling inexpensive guns to straw purchasers and e) gun dealers support gun control.

Maybe Their First Stop Needs to be ATF Headquarters

Apparently some Mexican Gun Control Activists have been wandering the country to pin their inability to deal with their own problems on the US gun industry. We’ll do what we can to keep guns from heading South, but that gets to be more difficult when our own government has been facilitating that kind of gunrunning for reasons they still have not been willing to explain.

Polling New Jersey Voters on Gun Control

Looks like someone has been spending money to poll New Jersey residents about gun control. The Garden State has among the lowest rates of gun ownership in the country, and people who don’t exercise their rights aren’t going to generally be that concerned with the rights of others. I think most people only support rights they view as affecting themselves positively, and care not a whit for rights values by others if they themselves don’t value them. The solution is to recruit more gun owners. You can see the press release from Rutgers here, which does have some encouraging signs:

Nearly two-thirds of New Jersey voters say controlling gun ownership is more important than gun owner rights. This represents a decline since 1999, when 73 percent preferred gun control over gun owner rights. Today, 72 percent without guns at home say gun control is more important than owner rights, 31 points higher than voters in gun owning households. “The stereotype is that those with guns want nothing to do with restricting their rights,” said Redlawsk. “Here, that also appears mostly true. While many with guns at home say gun ownership should be controlled, a majority thinks owners’ rights should trump. Overall we’ve seen a small move toward the gun owner rights position over time.”

It’s at least heading in the right direction.

Voters prefer to see the state’s gun laws tightened: 47 percent want stricter laws while 11 percent want them more lax. Twenty-eight percent prefer the status quo. While a plurality would tighten laws, the percentage is down from the 58 percent who wanted stricter laws in 1999. […]

[…]  “While New Jersey is less supportive of gun rights than many places, there has been a conservative trend over the past decade,” noted Redlawsk. “More people are concerned about violence. Most still want gun control, but the number favoring fewer restrictions has clearly grown.”

Getting some of New Jersey’s laws overturned would probably go a long way to fixing this problem. The poll clearly shows once people are gun owners, their support for restrictions tend to drop. I’d also note that many New Jersey gun owners have little idea that the hell their state puts them through to exercise their right is highly unusual, and is not how things are handled in most other states.

I Think Wintenmute’s Survey Was a Flop

Thirdpower notes that Garen Wintenmute, anti-gun professor and anti-gun activist extraordanire, has released the results of his survey of gun dealers. They note:

The majority of gun dealers and pawnbrokers (54.9 percent) believed it is too easy for criminals to get guns in the U.S. Agreement varied little with age and sex, was somewhat more common among gun dealers than pawnbrokers, and was more common among respondents from corporate/multisite licensees than others.

That’s it? You sent a 12 page questionnaire with 38 questions to gun dealers, and this is the best you can tout, other than some other uncontroversial statistics? Did you ask about any other contentious issues? I’m sure they did. I’m also sure they’d be touting the results of those if the answers had gone the way they wanted them to. I’m going to guess that the results did not go the way they wanted them to.

New Federal 2nd Amendment Challenge?

Been involved in a lengthy bit of Devil’s advocacy with a “Constitutional Historian” involved in “a case in the works right now, well-research, and narrowly tailored that uses Presser, Miller, Heller AND McDonald to overturn NFA & Hughes Amendment. Brady/GCA are next to get struck down by the Roberts Court.” That’s generally enough to set off major alarm bells right there. But when you follow up with, “[Alan Gura] lacks complete understanding of the historical premises’ surrounding the 2nd Amendment’s ratification and early case-law,” that really sets off alarm bells.

The diminishment of proven experts, and the elevation of unproven experts, is part and parcel for those who bring bad cases. Additionally, any suit so broad, and depending on cases like Presser v. Illinois, which said precious little about the Second Amendment, and US v. Miller, which was a deeply flawed case to begin with, is pretty much destined to quickly start setting bad precedent the rest of us will have to either live with, or spend a long time waiting to undo.

Taking a machine gun case into the Court system right now is madness. Others have tried it and lost, and now no one in the 8th circuit will ever have machine gun rights. Fincher was convinced he was right, too. That doesn’t win cases. What makes cases like this even more aggravating, is if one of the Heller 5 retires or dies, this kind of case would be the perfect opportunity for Justice Ginsberg to get what she wants; a reconsideration of Heller and McDonald which results in their being reversed, and the Second Amendment being redacted from the Bill of Rights entirely. We are our own worst enemies.

Gun News from Down Under

From an Australian reader, in the comments:

Actually, there have been changes to the gun laws in Oz that could be called “weakening” if you squint the right way.

One example: Some states had a waiting period for both first gun purchase, AND subsequent purchases. Repeatedly pointing out the pointlessness of this resulted in the abolition of the waiting period for those that already held a firearms license.

“Further weakening” may include:
Any handgun with a bore larger than .38 was banned, except for Cowboy Action and Metallic Silhouette competitors – there are moves to repeal that, and allow up to .45 again for IPSC and IDPA.

If the “good reason” for possessing a particular firearm is competition in, say, Metallic Silhouette, you cannot use that firearm in any other competition (eg IPSC) and vice versa – there are moves to remove that restriction.

One other change – license applications are now lodged at the Post Office. This supposedly streamlines things. It didn’t, but it will. In general, the discretionary element available to police has been de facto reduced if not de jure.

Progress is progress, and that’s certainly good news, considering it likely greatly displeases a certain person who we should all enjoy displeasing. We tend to see most of the rest of the world heading away from gun rights, but at least for Canada and  Australia, it seems they are coming back a bit.

MAIG Realizes a Weakness

It would appear that MAIG has come to realize that having a membership with a higher rate of criminal activity than concealed carry holders is an argument that actually sticks. When they speak, they become the spokesmen for criminals calling for disarming the law-abiding.

When gun bloggers first started pointing out how many criminal mayors they had – mostly around the time one was under a high profile arrest for gun crimes – MAIG kept their names on their website with pride. I guess they felt they needed every supporter they could find, even if the supporter was headed to prison.

Today’s arrest of Trenton’s mayor had MAIG scrubbing their website of their member within a couple of hours. In fact, I saw the post on Days of Our Trailers, but initially couldn’t figure out if Thirdpower was simply assuming that because the guy was a big-city mayor in NJ that he was a member since the MAIG site had him gone. However, a simple search of the mayor’s name and MAIG turned up the evidence.

The only reason that MAIG would want to act quickly on these matters is because they have found that it does actually undermine their credibility to have Bloomberg allying himself with criminals in calling for gun control. I guess MAIG is hoping that by erasing evidence of any relationship within the group, they can minimize the impact.