Leaving No Doubt What MAIG Is

Look at this article from the Jewish Exponent:

Much of CeaseFirePA’s efforts are focused on curbing “straw sales” to felons and enacting more stringent requirements for reporting lost or stolen handguns. The campaign seeks to gather enough leaders to force the legislature to move on this issue.

As part of its push, CeaseFirePA has also partnered with mayors from upwards of 150 towns, and police chiefs and law enforcement officers from more than 100 communities across the state.

Emphasis mine. I wonder who those mayors are? Mayors like Mayor Mitchell Mogilski of Wind Gap, PA, who are standing behind MAIG’s talking points. Hopefully we’ll soon see more grass roots attention on these mayors, because they really do break the back of our legislative strategy. It’s pretty clear they are working with the gun control groups here in Pennsylvania, as we’ve extensively documented. There’s no doubt what Mayors Against Illegal Guns is at this point, we just have to make sure the mayors know who they stand with, and more importantly, who they stand against.

Some Idea of the MAIG Legislation

They are looking to boost funding for BATF, it looks like, and have them inspect FFLs at least once a year. There’s no way we’re going to agree to increase ATFs funding without passing ATF reform first. Let me say, these guys are very good. They know what issues to push.

Jerry Brown Helps Us Out

He’s pissing off a lot of gun control advocates in his state. Rumor is he’s considering running for governor again. I’m not going to go so far as to say he deserves our support yet, but I have to admit, at this point, it would be hard to do worse than California’s had for the better part of two decades. Jerry Brown would appear to at least be willing to acquiesce to you being armed when the suede-denim secret police come for your uncool niece.

WNYC Article on MAIG

This article shows how folks in one Pennsylvania town got their Mayor out of MAIG, and also gives you an idea of the states that are involved in this dance we are beginning with this new gun control group. Gun control groups are even getting rather bold in their pronouncements:

But after the recent elections, it’s gun control advocates who say they came out ahead. One group, Ceasefire Pennsylvania, says all 12 of the candidates it endorsed won re-election, despite opposition from the NRA. By contrast, gun rights groups couldn’t name any members of Mayors Against Illegal Guns in Pennsylvania who lost re-election.

That’s interesting that they claim that, because NRA did not get involved in any of these local Mayoral election in this past cycle. The only action NRA has taken against MAIG so far is mailings to some towns to inform them that their mayor is a member of a gun control group.

But for gun control advocates, the mayors coalition has become a useful, and well-funded ally. Paul Helmke is the president of the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence. He says mayors deal directly with victims of crime and police departments, so they have not just the bully pulpit, but moral authority as well.

“I really feel it’s been one of the most significant things to help affect the debate on gun violence prevention in a number of years,” Helmke says.

Hey, any group that gets the Paul Helmke endorsement can’t possibly be a gun control group, right? They see the potential. Let’s just hope other gun owners do before this group starts achieving real legislative victories.

UPDATE: Video here.

More Media Coverage of VPC Google Research

So says the Gainesville Sun. Scroll down to “A deadly license” at the bottom.

According to a study by two gun control advocacy groups, the Violence Policy Center and the Freedom States Alliance, 77 people and eight law enforcement officers have been killed nationwide over two and a half years by concealed weapons license holders. In Florida, 14 people, including two police officers, have died at the hands of license holders.

What they don’t bother mentioning is that Florida issues 657,000 concealed carry licenses, and in 2008 only revoked 643 licenses. That’s a revocation rate of 1/10th of one percent. Overwhelmingly, this is a very law abiding subset of the population. But they won’t mention that. No. Doesn’t fit with the narrative.

Holder on Gun Policy

The Law Enforcement Alliance of America is reporting on Holder’s testimony before the Judiciary Committee two days ago:

Transcribing General Holder: “The position of the Administration is that there should be a basis for law enforcement to share information about gun purchases.” “… [It’s not] inconsistent to allow law enforcement agencies to share that kind of information, for that information to be retained and then to be shared by law enforcement.It seems incongruous to me that we would bar certain people from flying on airplanes because they are on the terrorist watch list and yet we would still allow them to posses weapons.”

So the Administration is on record as being in favor of denying Americans constitutional rights based on their presence on a secret government list, and quite probably based only on their sharing a name with someone who is on the list. Will Congress act here? Probably not. But I also wonder what kind of information sharing Holder thinks is allowed by law. The law is pretty clear that if someone passes the background check, the identifying information in the record is destroyed.

Conviction Vacated on Lautenberg

Very good news for the Second Amendment. The problem would seem to be the government made a really bad case for the constitutionality of Lautenberg, basically taking the line of “Of course, it’s constitutional!” which the Circuit Court in this case didn’t seem to appreciate. The statute is not ruled unconstitutional, but the Circuit Court basically said that government actually needs to make an argument that doesn’t rely on a presumption of constitutionality. They are holding the government to a higher standard, which is appropriate when constitutional rights are at issue.

More on Schumer the Hunter

From J.R. Absher over at Shooting Illustrated’s guns and hunting blog. We talked about this earlier when Jacob blogged about it. Is this standard operating procedure during election years for Chuck, or is he more worried this year than usual about his vulnerability on these issues?

More on the Missouri Supreme Court Decision

I had a nagging feeling that I had read about the topic of my previous post, intoxicated possession at home, before. Sure enough, managed to find this in Eugene Volokh’s Law Review article that discusses a framework for implementing the Second Amendment (Original post at Volokh.com here):

Many states bar possession of a firearm while intoxicated. Now a drunk man may need self-defense as much as the rest of us, and perhaps even more.385 But he is also especially likely to endanger innocent people—whether bystanders or people whom he mistakenly identifies as threatening him—and he is especially unlikely to successfully defend himself.386 And to the extent that the scope of the right to bear arms has historically excluded the mentally infirm, there seems to be little reason to treat those who are briefly mentally infirm as a result of intoxication differently from those who are permanently mentally infirm as a result of illness or retardation.387

A difficulty would arise if the law covered not just gun handling or carrying, but gun possession in the home while the homeowner is home and intoxicated. If every gun owner becomes a felon when he drinks too much at home, or must somehow find a friend who will soberly store the gun elsewhere on such occasions,388 then millions of people will be felons.389

It’s not entirely clear how this problem fits with the constitutional framework outlined above. My inclination is to say that while there may be a strong enough tradition of treating the mentally infirm as too unreliable to possess guns, and the tradition might extend to treating the temporarily mentally infirm as similarly too unreliable, the tradition likely doesn’t extend to a usually sober person’s possession of a gun in his home while he’s drunk. I would also think that requiring gun owners to refrain from normally accepted social drinking practices, to do all their serious drinking outside the home, or to temporarily move their guns outside their homes on party nights creates a substantial burden. But at the same time people can avoid or sharply decrease this burden by entirely or largely refraining from a behavior that, while legal and socially acceptable, is hardly necessary or praiseworthy; perhaps that should affect our judgment about the burden’s substantiality.

Fortunately we can largely avoid this issue, at least for now, since nearly all the statutes on the subject cover only “carry[ing]” or “personal possession.”390 The one exception that I’ve seen, the Missouri statute stating that a person is guilty of a crime if he knowingly “[p]ossesses or discharges a firearm or projectile weapon while intoxicated,”391 is likely just inartfully drafted: Though accompa- nying statutes use “possesses” broadly, likely broadly enough to include storing inside one’s home,392 this statute is labeled “Unlawful use of weapons,” and generally covers discharging, carrying, or brandishing a weapon (or setting a spring gun). I expect that Missouri courts would therefore narrowly interpret “possesses” in this statute, as covering only having on one’s person and not simply having a gun stored somewhere in the home.

You can read the Missouri Supreme Court decision here. Looks like Richard asserted it was overbroad, and the Court in this case refused to apply that doctrine, saying its use was limited to the First Amendment. It further refused to recognized the Second Amendment as incorporated, and proceeded with its analysis under the Missouri Constitution. The Missouri Supreme Court actually reversed and remanded based on standing to raise a constitutional issue given the facts in the case:

Although section 571.030.5 sets out a specific exception to the rule barring possession or discharge of a firearm while intoxicated, where the person is defending himself or others, Richard argues that the statute could be applied in a manner that effectively would prohibit an intoxicated person from possessing a firearm in the home for lawful self-defense. There is, at this point, no self-defense issue in this case. Richard has no standing to raise hypothetical instances in which the statute might be applied unconstitutionally. Lester v. Sayles, 850 S.W.2d 858, 872-873 (Mo. banc 1993). Richard’s claim must be analyzed under the facts of this case. Under the facts of this case at this stage of the litigation, his constitutional claims fail.

The circuit court erred in dismissing the state’s information charging Richard with violating section 571.030.1(5). The judgment is reversed, and the case is remanded.

So this ruling would appear to hinge exclusively on the facts in this particular case, rather than being a broad ruling that would affect all gun possession in the home while a person in the home was intoxicated. The Missouri Supreme Court doesn’t seem to want to consider that the statute is facially unconstitutional, but would seem to indicate some willingness to hear a constitutional challenge by someone who can raise a legitimate constitutional claim regarding self-defense in the home.

I’m still inclined to believe the statute is over broad. The exception for self-defense only applies if one is actively engaged in self-defense under 563.031, RSMo. The courts can certainly carve out an area of constitutionally protected possession here, but the Missouri Legislature should really have taken more care when drafting this law.